In 2004, the European Union’s physical territory expanded to include several countries formerly affiliated with the Soviet Union. As part of this expansion, the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) was introduced to maintain stability and positive relations in countries surrounding the EU. Countries that choose to be a part of the ENP enjoy financial support from the EU, as long as the countries agree to adhere to political standards as outlined by the parent organization. Russia was extended an invitation to participate in the ENP, but felt the move would diminish its own capacity for global influence. Instead, the Russian Federation made the choice to recognize the EU as equal partners, developing a series of shared goals and ideals that have become known as the four “common spaces.”

Officially, relations between the two powerhouse entities were formalized in 1994, and then strengthened with the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1997, but the formation of the ENP and development of the “Common Spaces,” are more significant in how the two groups deal with each other. At the 2003 St Petersburg Summit, the EU and the Russian Federation agreed to create the foundation for the “Common Spaces” within the framework of the existing agreement. In the Moscow and London Summits between Russia and the EU, both in 2005, a roadmap to implement the plan was developed, allowing cooperation in matters of the economy, freedom, security and justice, external security and research education and culture. The structure provided within the Common Spaces has helped Russia become one of the European Union’s largest trading partners, but the agreement officially expired in 2007.

Without an official agreement between both parties, the details of the original 1994 agreement were extended, and in 2008, discussions for a new agreement began in earnest. There have been several reasons for the delay, which include Poland’s threat to veto a new agreement and concerns about gas pipeline supplies through Ukraine. Though relations between the EU and Russia never fully deteriorated to a level of great concern, discussions of a new contract were basically frozen for a brief period following the war in South Ossetia. One other point of contention came within the framework of the Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice, focusing on visa requirements, and specifically readmission agreements. Russia is interested in a visa-free regime allowing citizens of EU member states to travel freely across Russian borders. The EU is mainly supportive of relaxing visa requirements as well, but seems concerned over the prospect of Russia becoming a conduit for illegal immigration. The EU has proposed that if visa restrictions are lifted, Russia should bear the financial burden of bringing back people who have chosen to enter the EU illegally via Russia.

The need for stable relations between the EU and Russia is essential, not only for the immediate surrounding regions, but also for the benefit of international relations across the globe. Given the mutually-recognized importance of ratifying a new agreement between the two groups, it seems that Russia and the EU are working to settle the minor differences between them. Now the world’s interest is focused on the November 2009 Stockholm Summit, where a new arrangement between the two political giants may come to pass.

Sean Thomas, RT

To comment on the current Russia-EU summit in Stockholm, RT turned to political analyst Nikolai Kaveshnikov, Head of Center for political integration of the Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Science:

RT: As we know, the European Union is being reformed now – what are the changes and how will they influence EU-Russia relations?

Nikolai Kaveshnikov

Nikolai Kaveshnikov: "The Lisbon Treaty that should come into force at the 1st of December this year is an enormously important document for the EU. This is basically an end of the reform process that started in the early 90s. The Lisbon Treaty, which doesn’t change too many things on the surface, will make the functioning of the EU much more effective, mostly in terms of foreign policy. The new positions of the Head of the European Council and the so-called EU foreign minister, which isn’t exactly the name of the new position, because there isn’t such term in the document itself – however, these new positions will enable the EU to persuade more consistent domestic and foreign policies and avoid problems, related with the change of leadership, which used to take place twice a year. For Russia it would be much more convenient to cooperate with the EU, which is more competent in the issues of foreign policy and is more capable of generating single policy on foreign agenda. Before that there used to be many complexities – even the Europeans did not often understand clearly the allocation of responsibilities between Brussels and the national capitals. So Russian negotiators met officials in Brussels, who often said: “You should solve that issue with the national capitals!” Then they came to those national capitals and heard something quite the opposite. Now this problem should become a thing of the past.

Also Russia wants the EU as a single organization to work in a more responsible way on the military and political issues, on the problems of stability on the continent and not transfer them to bilateral format or to NATO as it used to happen with deploying the radars in Eastern Europe."

RT: Do you see any perspectives on improving cooperation between the EU and Russia, especially in the aspect of establishing a visa-free regime for Russians in Europe, as the EU did with the Balkan states, for instance?

NK: "The last year was the worst in terms of our cooperation. That was, of course, due to the conflict in South Ossetia and gas transit problems with Ukraine. Now the situation is improving. We see US-Russia relations being reset, Europeans are changing their attitude to what happened last year in South Ossetia and there are some improvements in energy sector. Also as time passes, more and more people are starting to understand… I would say, the specifics of the Ukrainian gas transit policy. All these factors allow us to be optimistic about our future relations in general and on the agreement in particular.

As for the visa-free regime, the situation with the Balkans is different. First of all, those states will sooner or later be part of the EU, which is not the case with Russia. Secondly, Europeans are very much afraid of Russia as a huge transit state in terms of illegal migration. It’s mostly not about immigrants from Russia itself, but rather about immigrants from Central Asian countries, China and other regions. Don’t forget the very controversial political relations between Russia and the EU and the very poor image of Russia – both among the European political elite and among ordinary Europeans. So unfortunately, for the moment there are no visible indications that visa regime will be lifted."

RT: Will Russia and the EU be able to affect Ukrainian gas transit policy and avoid another winter crisis with gas delivery?

NK: "Theoretically the issue of Russian gas transit through Ukraine can be solved very easily – via concerted action by the supplier, e.g. Russia – and the final consumer, e.g. the EU countries. But in practice the solution is very unlikely, because the EU and its members are not willing to interfere with the situation, invest some political and financial capital and take their part of responsibility for the transit of the Ukrainian gas. Instead they prefer to play ostrich and to leave that issue to Russia and Ukraine. As a result, Russia has to suffer all the financial and image losses on its own."