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Georgia silences political opponents in prison

Published: 03 March, 2009, 13:36

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TAGS: Georgia, Politics, Saakashvili


According to human rights activists, the prison population in Georgia has more than trebled in the six years of Mikhail Saakashvili's presidency. They also claim that charges are often fabricated.

Revaz Kldiashvili was arrested and sentenced to five years in jail following the protests in Tbilisi in November 2007. He was among thousands who took to the streets of the Georgian capital demanding President Mikhail Saakashvili's resignation.

Revaz was formerly a high-profile figure, the head of the military police when Irakly Okruashvili was Defence Minister.

He was an ardent supporter of Okruashvili, dubbed the ‘rebel minister’, who later received an 11-year sentence for corruption. That was after he set up a new opposition party and then accused top officials, including the president, of public dishonesty and murder.

Revaz's family is sure that his only fault is his sympathy for the opposition. Yuza Kldiashvili says his son is a political prisoner:

“When Revaz was arrested, he says he saw the police put a rifle into the trunk of his car and when he was detained, a gun was put in his belt. In the detention cell he was searched and they took away the keys to his flat. During the house-search a hand grenade was allegedly found in a cupboard in the children's room.”

Fact box

Irakli Okruashvili

Georgia’s defence minister from December 2004 till November 2006. In September 2007 he formed an opposition party and was arrested on corruption charges after accusing President Saakashvili of numerous crimes. The arrest sparked mass protests in the capital, Tbilisi. Released on bail, Okruashvili moved to Berlin and then to France, where he was granted political asylum. In April 2008 a Georgian court found him guilty of large-scale extortion and sentenced to him to 11 years in prison in absentia. The Georgian authorities requested Okruashvili’s extradition, but in September 2008 France’s court declined the request.

Badri Patarkatsishvili

Georgian businessman, founder of the first Georgian media holding Imedi. Before 2001 he was doing business in Russia as a partner of the now exiled Russian billionaire Boris Berezovsky. In spring 2006 Patarkatsishvili expressed strong criticism of President Mikhail Saakashvili’s policies, for which he was dubbed ‘a secret leader of the Georgian opposition’ by the authorities. The businessman then left Georgia for London and sold a part of his media assets to Western partners. In September 2007 Irakli Okruashvili claimed that the president had held talks with him concerning the possible murder of Patarkatsishvili. In November 2007 the businessman took part in an anti-Saakashvili rally which was dispersed by police. After that he stated he was ready to give all his money ‘for the liberation of the country from Saakashvili’s fascist regime’. A day later a legal case was initiated by the Prosecutor General’s Office on charges of plotting a coup in Georgia. In January 2008 Patarkatsishvili was sentenced in absentia to two months in prison. Patarkatsishvili died from a heart attack in London in February 2008.

Already in prison, Revaz sewed his mouth shut and went on hunger strike for a month. Yuza says his son would be free if only he would falsely accuse others:

“During detention Revaz was badly treated. They tried to make my son give evidence that Badri Patarkatsishvili and Irakli Okruashvili had planned to overthrow power in an armed takeover. He refused.”

While Georgian officials deny there are political prisoners in the country, human rights watchdogs claim their number is on the rise.

Georgian Ombudsman Sozar Subari claims that in the three years since the 2003 Rose Revolution, the number of prisoners in Georgia has more than trebled – from 6,000 to 20,000 – giving Georgia the second highest prison population per capita in Europe. Subari says many of those cases were politically motivated.

“Many were brought to trial only for the fact that they dared to block the street or participated in protest actions, for the fact that they belong to the political opposition. Many were beaten up for sharing the views of the opposition. Many cases were framed as weapons or drugs were planted on people,” he stated.

While Mikhail Saakashvili continues to talk about a democratic Georgia, some openly doubt its principles.

“The Saakashvili regime continues political persecution against its opponents, which shows that we live in a police-ridden state, based on outlaw and violence, ignoring international law and its own constitution,” believes Irakly Okruashvili's lawyer Eka Beseliya.

The activist group the «7th of November» was created after the violent suppression of opposition demonstrations in Tbilisi almost a year and a half ago. Twice a month they gather in the Georgian capital to try to get their message across. Their slogans are always the same but the number of protesters has dropped dramatically as young people say they don't want to go to jail for calling for freedom.

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"Hidden in plan sight" is the only way to describe oppression in Georgia. The imprisonment of political opponents, mysterious murders, torture and mistreatment have been the mainstay of politics in Georgia for a long time now. Yet, all the Western press, as if on a cue, is curiously oblivious to this not so hidden oppression. But being an outsider, there are still aspects of Georgian politics that are too complex to understand. The war in August 2008 can explain the support for a flawed, and externally controlled leader. Such a traumatic event makes population rally around the leader and the government. But what is not easily explainable is the appearance of complacency of general population in the face of hardship, and the belief that NATO will solve all of their problems. I am starting to believe that the populace is not so eager to get the protection from Russia, but from their own leadership. There may be a genuine hope that once under NATO, the brutality of the politics in Georgia would be curbed. There may be a great deal of longing for normalcy, and the only way to take the venality out of politics appears to be the constraints that a superstructure, like NATO, could bring. I am afraid that these are false hopes. One has only to look at Kosovo to get the idea how the alliance deals with the local problems. Since the end of the NATO bombing in 1999, the province had been under nominal UN umbrella, but the security was managed by NATO's KFOR units. Ten years have passed, and Kosovo became an outpost, something from the nighmarish Star Wars movies. NATO has constructed a sprawling military base, Camp Bondsteel, and has allowed all forms of criminal enterprise to rule the province. All the current rules have been and still are involved in multitude of most hideous criminal activities, from human trafficking to organ harvesting. The minorities there are shoved in "enclaves", a polite name for barbed-wire protected ghettos. Over one hundred of ancient Serbian churches, monasteries and other antiquities have been burned, bombed and looted in plain sight of NATO forces. Serbian population is meticulously removed by intimidation or murder. That is what NATO does in Kosovo. Now, NATO has insured that the "independent" Kosovo takes all the blame for the crime, non-existent economy and other ills, while it uses the territory as it wishes. I am afraid that the population of Georgia simply does not understand what awaits it. Georgia cannot hope to become another prosperous NATO country, but more likely another NATOstan, like Kosovo. The calculus for NATO is simple. By turning over the governance to the criminal power structures, NATO will not assume any responsibility for the economy. Criminal power structure is also easily controllable, as the quid-pro-quo is understood: NATO gets to use the territory without conditions, while criminal enterprise will not worry about bad press or prosecution. Should any of them step out of line, they will be singled out as "corrupt", marginalized or disposed off. Under such governance, there is simply no chance for an honest politician to win. The life in an imperial outpost is brutal and uncaring. There is no need for educated populace, as educated are usually troublesome people that demand good economy and opportunities. There is no need for good health care, water, sewer or trash collection. All these services are usually done on the cheap, for as long as the areas used by the military are clear of obstacles and in reasonable good shape. I am sure that most people in Georgia imagine their lives to be better under NATO. I would suggest that Kosovo option is more likely scenario.