Will a Pan-Arab ‘NATO-style force’ secure the Arab region?
Having a self-reliant Arab security system, as opposed to seeking foreign intervention, is becoming a necessity for a group of Arab states to confront terrorism and safeguard the stability of the region. But will it be effective?
On May 24, the Chief of Staffs of Arab armies concluded a two-day
meeting in Cairo where they drew up an outline for the creation
of a Joint Arab Force (JAF). The objective of the joint force
would be to deal with the threat posed by extremist groups like
ISIS.
It was the second meeting between top Arab defense officials in
as many months, with both being held in the Egyptian capital.
Egyptian President Al-Sisi in late March formally proposed the
idea of a joint Arab force at the Arab League summit, stressing
that Arab countries are facing unprecedented "threats to
their stability and identity." Arab leaders at the summit in
Sharm el-Sheikh agreed to create a “joint Arab military
force” to respond to security threats in the region.
Earlier in March, Arab League Secretary General El-Araby had
voiced the urgent need for establishing a joint Arab military
force to “fight terrorism” as well as “help in peace missions and
civilian protection”.
Why the need for an Arab force?
The Yemen crisis, with a joint Arab military campaign already
underway, seems to make a big case for backing Sisi’s proposal.
For some Arab countries, at least.
Days before the March summit, several Arab states joined a
Saudi-led coalition, Operation Decisive Storm, against Houthi
rebels in Yemen and the forces of former President Ali Abdullah
Saleh. The countries in the coalition include Kuwait, Bahrain,
the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Jordan, Egypt, Morocco and
Sudan.
The air campaign came after Yemeni President Abd Rabbuh Mansur
Hadi – who’s internationally recognized as the country’s
legitimate leader - asked the Arab League and the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) to intervene militarily against the
Houthi advance. Yemen has been in turmoil since September last
year when Houthi militia seized the capital Sanaa and effectively
ousted Hadi, forcing him to flee to Saudi Arabia.
Prior to Hadi’s request for military action in Yemen, Egypt’s
president Al-Sisi spoke publicly on the issue of a JAF warning
that the region would face more terrorist threats. With violence
spiraling across Yemen, Sisi later returned to the subject at
Sharm el-Sheikh, where the Arab League finally voted in favor of
the joint force project.
Khalid Okasha, former brigadier general of the Egyptian military,
welcomed the idea saying that it will consist of security and
military aid helping other Arab countries that are in danger. He
noted that militias becoming stronger than national security
forces in the Arab region represent a serious concern today.
“Joint international forces are trying to fight ISIS but they
haven’t proved any good,” the ex-general argued. “As an
alternative to seeking help from outside, we will have our own
forces, ready to intervene against terrorist organizations.”
What came out of the Arab meeting this month was essentially that
a consensus had been reached between all participants on the
framework of the draft protocol for the formation of the joint
force.
The JAF would be able to conduct missions of emergency
intervention, combating terrorism and take part in peace keeping
operations in member states, according to state media citing the
protocol. It would engage in rapid military intervention, deploy
to protect civilians, and safeguard relief and humanitarian
assistance. It could also be assigned to protect naval and
communication lines, perform search and rescue operations and
undertake other missions.
Participation in the force would be voluntary.
A minimum membership of seven countries was established: Egypt,
Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain and Jordan and Morocco.
There is flexibility for other countries to join at a later date.
Okasha anticipated that Sudan might be the next country to join.
Based on the protocol, participant states would contribute troops according to their capability and in a way that does not jeopardize the fulfillment of the duties of their national armed forces.
Dr. Okasha, who also heads the National Centre for Security
Studies, explained that any operational details for the military
force would entail different plans according to each country’s
situation and legal framework.
“The JAF would only intervene upon request of assistance from
the state party under threat,” the retired brigadier general
explained.
He added that members of the force would be stationed in their
home countries, and prepared to be called into action wherever
needed.
Military plans on engagements would be up to the member states'
military chiefs.
The question remains as to whether this regional military force
can succeed against the current challenges facing Arab nations.
Okasha believes it is possible that it could successfully guard
against the likes of ISIS and Al Qaeda, mainly because Arab
countries would participate in the JAF with special forces, set
to be trained and equipped to confront threats, counter terrorism
and safeguard strategic sites.
READ MORE: HRW: New evidence Saudi-led coalition uses cluster bombs in Yemen
It is premature, however, to tell whether the proposed force will
be indeed effective in dealing with terror threats to the region
as it is mandated to do.
Although Arab army chiefs in Cairo reached consensus on the
framework of the protocol, all issues concerning the future force
- including organizational and legal aspects as well as its
objective, mechanisms of operation - still have to be discussed
and agreed upon.
Details regarding size of the JAF, its military capability, and
the weapons it would use still need to be defined. Earlier
reports indicated it may be formed from around 40,000 elite
troops and backed by warplanes, warships and light armor.
Nonetheless, there are doubts that all members of the Arab League
would significantly contribute to the force.
The force is set to have its command structure, with at the top a
commander general to be appointed for a renewable two-year term.
The suggested location of its command center is Cairo, the home
of the Arab League. Qatar and Algeria reportedly objected to the
base chosen.
In Okasha’s view, the JAF could be likened to some sort of ‘Arab
NATO’ for several similar elements: a headquarters for planning
operations; various states participating with their own army
units; its own intelligence to draw up strategies for
intervention.
Procedures for the force's creation should be concluded by June
29, as anticipated by Egypt's Chief-of-Staff Mahmoud Hegazy. A
final draft protocol will be then submitted for a month’s review
between 30 June and 31 July. Arab League sources emphasized that
negotiations would continue until a consensus is reached.
While State Department officials said that the United States was
waiting to see the exact structure and operational mandate of the
joint force, it is unclear to what extent such a force would
cooperate with the US or any foreign powers.
Okasha stated that the initiative, though an all-Arab concept,
would leave some space for cooperation with other states or
coalitions – including NATO- depending on the security
circumstances and the consensus on the force’s intervention.
Analysts say that in cases like Libya, consensus on military
intervention would be difficult since different Arab countries
support rival parties in the conflict. And with more than one
area in crisis within the region, which country should the force
give priority to: Yemen, Libya, Iraq or Syria?
For Egypt, the direct threat comes from Libya, whereas a Yemen descended into chaos is one current challenge for Saudi Arabia and, to a lesser extent, other Gulf Arab nations. For Jordan, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, the greatest threat comes from Iraq and Syria.
There is speculation that the joint force may be used in Yemen,
although the new force may not be formally established for
another few months. Saudi forces will have perhaps shifted from
an air to a ground operation by then.
The idea of a joint Arab military force could be considered a
positive move in tackling multiple security threats across the
region at a time where the expansion of ISIS is threatening many
Arab countries simultaneously.
But rather than functioning as a ‘NATO style’ collective military
alliance that approves interventions, it may result in ad hoc
bilateral military cooperation between Arab countries on the
basis of will, capabilities and weapons available. The type and
scale of operation is another factor that would be taken into
account in working out ad hoc arrangements. Countries’ military
units would be on stand-by and called up for mobilization, if
necessary, based on bilateral agreements.
For Okasha, Arab leaders have so far shown political will
vis-à-vis the JAF, and the force’s implementation is feasible.
The former general foresees possible problems post-formation of
the force like political divisions among Arab states or military
issues being underestimated that could hinder the JAF’s success
on the ground.
While Okasha admitted some room for foreign participation
alongside, he’s definitely not keen on foreign intervention.
“Getting help from foreign countries usually makes things
more complicated, if not worse,” he emphasized.
Alessandra Bajec for RT
Alessandra Bajec is a freelance journalist based in Cairo. Between 2010 and 2011, she lived in Palestine. Her articles have appeared in the European Journalism Centre’s magazine,the United Nation’s humanitarian news agencyIRIN and The Majalla among others. She tweets @AlessandraBajec
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.