The evaporating momentum in GDP growth and a sudden slide in currency values among BRICS nations and other emerging economies appears to have taken the shine off their rising stars.
With average economic growth down to 4-5 percent and currencies
tumbling in Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia and India by double
digit percentages, foreboding and fear that the worst is yet to
come is setting in.
Western news outlets have gone to the extent of claiming there is now a reverse economic pattern in play, wherein BRICS and other emerging economies are going downhill while advanced economies badly mauled by the financial crisis since 2008 are bouncing back. Predictions the OECD economies are returning to the pink of health are, of course, premature due to the systemic nature of the crisis that struck in 2008. But there is no doubt that BRICS and other emerging economies are struggling to cope with the high expectations they had generated through their rapid growth.
Is the trend which defined the first decade of the 21st
century—the rise of the non-Western major powers— already passé?
If so, what are its implications for rebalancing global economic
and political power?
The fundamental appeal of BRICS is its potential to craft a more democratic world order in which economic dynamism and concentration of power shifts from West to East and from Global North to Global South. BRICS is the inevitable answer to American unipolarity and a Euro-Atlantic structuring of global institutions that has neo-colonial moorings. If BRICS crumble under the weight of economic pressures, there will be no constituency left for democratizing the inter-state system. The stakes are sky high.
Since not all BRICS economies are identical in their make ups and
strengths, one way of analyzing why they are tripping right now
is to look into the specifics of each member country’s
macroeconomic indicators and diagnose their respective problems.
But given the timing of their near-simultaneous dip, it calls for
a more generic understanding of commonly shared weaknesses of
emerging economies so that we can also think of solutions that go
beyond what each individual nation’s government can do to stem
One of the prime policy culprits responsible for the downward
trajectory of a number of emerging economies is their
overdependence on a decade-long commodity ‘supercycle’,
wherein the prices of metals, fuels and foodstuffs rose
astronomically. Big exporters of these commodities, viz. Russia,
Brazil and South Africa, found their fortunes soaring in terms of
rising revenues and accumulating foreign exchange reserves when
the boom was at its peak.
But the financial crisis-propelled a fall in global demand for
commodities (not only among advanced countries but also in large
emerging economy importers like China) has brought the prices of
oil, gas, coal, copper, aluminum, gold etc. to much lower levels
in the last few years. Export-dependent BRICS countries did not
hedge their economies well against the fall in the commodity
markets. Hence the sharp slowdown in their GDP growth
The obvious lesson from this failure is that BRICS countries that
are commodity-heavy in their economic structures must diversify
and find more sustainable and renewable foundations for long-term
The vision laid down by Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev in his 2009 modernisation programme, which envisages a shift away from fossil fuels and towards a high technology- and innovation-motored economy, has an inevitable logical soundness that must be implemented by BRICS to escape the proverbial ‘resource curse’ and ‘Dutch disease’.
If the current negative sentiment flooding all emerging economies
does not awaken decision makers to overcome obstructionist
lobbies within their societies and diversify their growth models,
no one can rescue them from the vicissitudes of commodity price
fluctuations. Investments in higher education, cutting edge
scientific knowledge and manufacturing sectors should not be
delayed any further in BRICS countries, which have not always put
their money where their long-term interests lie.
The second big error that many BRICS and other emerging powers
have made is to rely imprudently on inflows of ‘hot money’ and
foreign institutional investment. The weakening of the Turkish
Lira, the Indonesian Rupiah, the Indian Rupee, and the Brazilian Real are all
tied to the decamping of foreign investors who are being lured by
the prospect of more fetching interest rates in the US in light
of the expected ‘tapering’ of the American government’s
quantitative easing policy.
Even though Brazil’s Finance Minister Guido Mantega was one of
the more articulate voices critiquing the US government’s cheap
money policies as a form of “currency war” against emerging
economies, many BRICS countries including Brazil fell back on
hopes that the Americans will indefinitely keep their interest
rates close to zero. The capital flight which countries like
India are witnessing was unexpected because policymakers faultily
assumed that investors have no choice but to stay put in the
emerging economy zone.
What BRICS did not anticipate was the infamous “animal spirits” (John Maynard Keynes) of the markets, which can befriend you in a flurry when the going is rosy and jilt you en masse when it gets rocky.
China holds a lesson here, as it is an exception among BRICS and
other emerging economies which has stronger capital controls on
fly-by-night investors. The degree of boldness which China has
shown in standing up to international investors also owes to its
strong trade surplus and record foreign exchange reserves. These
cushions have shielded China from the blackmail tactics of
Western investors and freed it from having to appease
international capital markets.
In contrast, other emerging economies with high fiscal and
current account deficits have allowed themselves to bow to the
mercy of foreign investors and are paying a heavy price now.
Fiscal discipline, which is the favorite refrain of investors,
has not been a hallmark of BRICS economies. It needs not be
religiously adhered to, especially due to the developmental
agendas that do require greater state spending on social welfare
But beggars cannot be choosers. The way to confront greedy
foreign investors and to rein them in is by channeling domestic
savings into productive investments (an ideal that many BRICS
countries have not realized yet) and by increasing the
productivity of the domestic workforce.
A BRICS skill enhancement agenda for workers and a BRICS savings
harnessing agenda for households can do wonders to our countries’
confidence to break free of the diktats of external investors.
The whims of the markets can be tamed if our houses are in better
Earlier this year, Brazil and China signed a path-breaking
currency swap deal worth $30 billion to occlude interruptions to
bilateral trade financing. Russia already has had a currency swap
agreement with China since 2010. At the BRICS summit in New Delhi
in March 2012, all members agreed to consider a full multilateral
currency trading agreement so as to protect their economies from
depreciation against the US dollar. BRICS nations are now at the
receiving end of exactly this threat of the strengthening dollar.
They must make haste to institutionalize economic cooperation to
challenge the dollar hegemony in the global economy, which
subjects them to the mercy of the US Federal Reserve’s monetary
A purely internal response to the collective crisis confronting
BRICS and other emerging economies is inadequate because the
challenge comes from fleet-footed Western investors who are
fair-weather friends. To free our nations from the speculative
stranglehold of market sharks, we have to come together and find
ways in which burgeoning intra-BRICS trade (projected to touch
$500 billion by 2015) not only grows exponentially but can also
be more balanced so as to build surpluses in deficit-burdened
member countries that are especially vulnerable to abandonment by
One of the critiques made against halting GDP growth in emerging
economies is that they are too state-dominated, corrupt, and
incapable of undertaking fundamental structural reforms that can
unleash entrepreneurial energies and take BRICS beyond the
‘middle income trap’. But as the positive example of China’s
capital controls (and the earlier precedent of Malaysia’s capital
controls during the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis) demonstrate,
having a strong state that prevents toying with one’s economy by
Wall Street gamblers is a real innate strength of BRICS.
Where BRICS states are falling short is not so much in
facilitating the mushrooming of private enterprise but in
adequately building up our human resources and physical
infrastructure. Emerging economies need a productivity revolution
so that their relatively young populations can generate the
wealth that can lift whole societies out of poverty and
If BRICS was initially a concept designed to rally Western
investments towards promising new frontiers, it has gained a
following and belief among the peoples of its member countries
that should not be left to drift through self-doubt. The BRICS
model has to find more autonomous and endogenous oxygen that can
resist the onslaught of Western investors. It must also
strengthen the core principle of state oversight over markets,
while not neglecting the state’s primary responsibility to
empower and build the capacities of its citizenry.
Many emerging economies still have basics headed in the right
direction, including demographic advantages, a low baseline from
which their GDPs began climbing, and the desire among our
nationalistic elites to never succumb to neo-colonial domination.
The investors who are eyeing higher returns in the US and fleeing
emerging economies could well be returning to BRICS in time as
the topsy-turvy nature of the financial crisis that started in
2008 comes full circle via iterations. But we must be better
prepared to deal with the international capital markets next time
they knock on our doors with money bags in hand.
All is not lost yet. Growth rates of around 5 percent per annum
are still enviable in a comparative perspective, and they could
be preserved if BRICS nations forge a joint front and institute a
toolbox of multilateral solutions to back up their individual
economic fire fighting efforts. Together, we are strong and
resilient against global financial oligarchs.
Together, we can lift more than 40 percent of the world’s population residing in our countries to a position of safety where they are not buffeted by the fancies of the financial sector.
Sreeram Chaulia for RT
Sreeram Chaulia is a Professor and Dean
at the Jindal School of International Affairs in Sonipat, India.
His latest book, ‘Politics of the Global Economic Crisis:
Regulation, Responsibility and Radicalism’, is due out shortly
from Routledge publications